Author: Gary Alvarez Mejia

Climate Diplomacy in Action: U.S.-China Collaboration on the Circular Economy

At COP29 in Baku, one of the most thought-provoking sessions I attended was a joint presentation on “Global and Chinese Efforts in Advancing the Circular Economy to Combat Climate Change.” The session, led by Rick Duke, U.S. Deputy Envoy for Climate, and Liu Zhenmin, China’s Special Envoy for Climate Change, unveiled the findings of a joint research report by U.S.-China circular economy experts. What stood out was not just the technical depth of their discussion but also the remarkable collaboration between two nations often seen as geopolitical adversaries.

 

Despite heightened tensions in areas like trade and security, the United States and China are proving that collaboration on shared global challenges like climate change is not only possible but essential. This partnership spans Track 2 diplomacy—collaborations among academics, civil society, and experts—and, in this instance, integrates Track 1 efforts, supported at the highest levels of government. This session was a tangible example of how science and shared goals can transcend political frictions.

 

Circular Economy and Resource Efficiency

The presentation emphasized the role of circular economy practices—such as recycling, reusing materials, and reducing waste—in mitigating climate change. Both nations are committed to fostering collaboration between enterprises, universities, and research institutions to advance these efforts. The alignment between the two largest global economies on this topic seems pragmatic and visionary.

 

A highlight of the report was the convergence of diplomacy, academic experts, and business associations. Their collective input underscores the importance of a multi-stakeholder approach to addressing the climate crisis. By combining technical expertise, industry knowledge, and diplomatic support, this initiative demonstrates how broad collaboration can lead to innovative and scalable solutions.

 

Subnational Cooperation: Cities as Climate Leaders

Another fascinating aspect of the presentation was the focus on subnational cooperation. The United States and China committed to facilitating collaboration among states, provinces, and cities on areas like transportation, buildings, and waste management. This level of engagement is vital because, unlike the top-down approach of traditional climate policy, subnational actors often have the flexibility to implement bold, innovative solutions.

 

A Positive Signal for the Future

This collaboration aligns with the Sunnylands Statement on Enhancing Cooperation to Address the Climate Crisis, announced in 2023, which outlines a series of joint actions on energy transition, methane reduction, and low-carbon development. It also demonstrates that despite the geopolitical rifts, both nations recognize the urgency of the climate crisis and the mutual benefits of cooperation.

 

While these efforts may not resolve deeper tensions between the U.S. and China, they set a powerful example for the rest of the world. Climate action is too important to be held hostage by political divisions. If the two largest emitters can find common ground, so can others.

Why Hosting COP29 in an Oil Country Makes Perfect Sense

During my time at COP29 in Baku, one theme has stood out repeatedly: the role of petrol states and oil companies in the broader climate dialogue. As someone attending my first COP, I’ve been struck by the polarized views on their participation. Many see these actors as adversaries to climate progress, pointing out their vested interests in keeping fossil fuels central to the global economy. Yet, dismissing or alienating them might be one of the most significant mistakes we could make.

I’ve heard delegates and activists express frustration about the presence of oil-exporting nations and fossil fuel companies in the discussions. Some argue that their involvement is mere virtue signaling or a strategy to greenwash their image. But this perspective, while understandable, ignores the reality that these states and companies are not just obstacles; they are stakeholders—stakeholders that we need to engage with if we hope to achieve meaningful progress.

Take Azerbaijan, for example. As a major oil and gas exporter, its economy is deeply tied to fossil fuels. It’s easy to see why some criticize the decision to host COP29 here. However, during the sessions and side events, I’ve come to appreciate how Azerbaijan’s position exemplifies the challenges and opportunities of transitioning away from fossil fuels. This nation, like many others, has much to gain from diversifying its economy and investing in sustainable alternatives. Alienating petrol states won’t encourage this shift; collaboration will.

The idea of “making polluters pay” resonates strongly in climate negotiations. It’s a necessary step toward accountability. However, if this is pursued in a way that vilifies entire nations or corporations, we risk pushing them further away from the table. As someone from Bolivia, a resource-rich nation also navigating the complexities of the energy transition, I understand that the conversation isn’t as black and white as many voices make it seem. Countries reliant on extractive industries often share the same goal—sustainable development—but their starting points differ.

In one of today’s sessions, an insightful point was raised: many of these so-called polluters would benefit significantly from solutions like renewable energy investments and economic diversification, especially if they are developing nations. Engaging them as partners, rather than adversaries, could unlock critical resources and momentum. The energy transition will only succeed if it includes everyone—especially those with the most at stake.

As COP29 continues, I’m reminded of why the decision to host it in Azerbaijan makes sense. This setting challenges the global climate community to reckon with the uncomfortable truths about fossil fuels and their role in our world. It’s not an endorsement of fossil fuels; it’s a call to confront the realities of our interconnected economies and political systems.

Let’s hope the conversations here inspire a more inclusive and pragmatic approach to climate action—one that works for everyone, not just the already converted.

Reflections on the Journey to Baku

I’m writing this blog post as I unwind from my first day at COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan. The trip from Durham, North Carolina, was long and exhausting, and the time difference is certainly taking its toll on us Practicum students. However, as I sit here reflecting, I realize how incredible this experience is shaping up to be. We (Practicum students) all come from diverse backgrounds, and while we boarded the same flight to Baku, our individual journeys to this moment have been anything but identical.

This morning marked my official arrival at COP, but my personal “road to Baku” began long ago. My first exposure to climate negotiations happened during my undergraduate studies in International Relations, through Model United Nations (MUN). In those simulations, I acted as a delegate negotiating on behalf of various governments, learning about complex global issues like climate change and environmental policy. At the time, the idea of attending a real COP—the very conferences we role-played in MUN—felt distant and abstract, like something reserved for seasoned professionals. And yet, here I am today, experiencing it firsthand.

Looking back, MUN taught me invaluable lessons about diplomacy, collaboration, and the intricacies of global governance. But it also highlighted how removed many young people can feel from real-world policymaking. In MUN, we debated issues with theoretical detachment, but COP29 is far from theoretical. Here, decisions have real consequences—consequences that will shape our collective future.

The journey from MUN to COP wasn’t a straight path. The practicum course I joined at Duke served as a critical stepping stone, preparing me for the complexity of these negotiations. Through this program, I’ve deepened my understanding of climate governance, explored frameworks like the Paris Agreement, and practiced the kind of stakeholder engagement that defines COP. The practicum also introduced me to the challenge of balancing optimism with realism, particularly when addressing the urgent need for climate action in the face of political and economic constraints.

A pivotal moment in my preparation came during the course’s simulation exercise. Revisiting the MUN-style negotiations with a more critical and nuanced perspective, I realized how much I had grown. This time, I wasn’t just thinking about hypothetical outcomes; I was considering how real-world factors—such as national interests, geopolitical tensions, and financial constraints—shape every decision. The exercise reinforced that while ideal solutions may exist in theory, the reality of climate diplomacy often involves compromise, patience, and persistence. “Diplomacy”, as the US Ambassador to Azerbaijan Mark Libby stated during a private discussion with US Universities’ students on Tuesday, “is an iterative process”.

Now, being in Baku at COP29 feels surreal. Walking through the conference venue, I was struck by the  diversity of voices—government representatives, activists, academics, and private sector leaders—all converging to address the climate crisis. The energy in the air is electric, a mix of urgency and hope.

As I settle into the rhythm of COP, I’m reminded of why I chose to pursue this path. Being here isn’t just about observing; it’s about contributing to a global dialogue by questioning the status quo and sharing my perspective as a Bolivian citizen. The long flight, the jet lag, and the steep learning curve are all worth it. This is more than a conference—it’s a call to action. COP29 is both a culmination of my journey and the start of something much bigger. Let’s see where it takes me.

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