Religion and Politics in Morocco Review- Michelle Rodriguez

The work Religion and Power in Morocco by Henry Munson Jr. seeks to partially analyze the work Islam Observed by Clifford Geertz and the popular misconceptions widely perpetuated among even educated anthropologists. Munson also attempts to investigate the complexities of religion and politics within Morocco without foregoing historical accuracy and stresses the realistic discrepancies among the public and political sectors. This work proceeds on a timeline beginning with an evaluation of folktales and continues onto the historically accurate realities of Moroccan monarchial power and religion. Religion and Power in Morocco gave me an in-depth explanation of the factors influencing the average Moroccan, as well as an awareness over common yet mistaken assumptions.

Initially, Munson intensely argues against Geertz’s concept of baraka as pertaining to individualistic traits and instead pinpoints it as a phenomenon of perceived purity (or baraka), which extends to the Prophet and his descendants (Munson 5-6; 21). Certificates attesting an individual’s relation to the Prophet essentially granted them baraka, and would often increase their position, wealth, and political power (21-22). Essentially, Munson uses Geertz’s flawed explanation of baraka as an example that lacks proper research and that relies solely on folktales without the appropriate contexts.

Additionally, Munson analyzes the political structure of power the sultan and the contractual agreement (bay’a) with the ulama (educated scholars), come to signify (39). Although in theory the ulama had significant power – as they validated the legitimacy of the sultan – they instead consistently catered to the will of the sultan (75). “Even the king’s decrees are immune to legal challenge” (127). This was interesting in that Morocco abided by political structure of Islamic law, but each sultan/ king somehow managed to circumvent contractual restrictions by instilling a varying degree of fear among ulama and the public (127). From the perspective of an outsider, this allowed greater insight into Moroccan culture by demonstrating the mechanisms of religious influences instilled within the government. Despite the bay’a being no longer implemented (126), the concept that religion brings forth a sense of legitimacy gave me a greater idea the extent to which Islam permeates throughout Moroccan society.

Furthermore, Munson stresses the need to disassociate from the grasps of overgeneralizations when proclaiming the general consensus of the public, as this easily provides leeway towards inaccurate assumptions (121). Rule under King Hassan II remained under rigorous censorship and deliberate control over media portrayal of the government, yet the actual public opinion remained buried beneath such overt control (140). Moroccans’ stance and awareness of political circumstances varied from those unaffected by the political climate to those educated or politically active (129). Perhaps the most perplexing truth of the Moroccan public – at least those interviewed by Munson – was that personal loyalty and respect to the king was fickle to non-existent (129-133). In this matter, this clearly demonstrates the autonomy and distinction of public opinion as capable of existing aside from the political climate, even if fear of the king’s wrath hindered them from acting on such opinions (141).

Despite the religious and political background pertaining to Morocco expertly related by Munson, its shortcomings begin with the excessive critique of numerous scholars, namely Geertz. I recognize that Clifford Geertz holds significant influence within the field of cultural anthropology and thus must be heavily critiqued so as to advance the field Islam Observed pertains to, but the first half of Religion and Power in Morocco disproportionately critiques Geertz. Only until mid-way through chapter four does Munson begin to truly focus on his thesis concerning “strong-man politics and holy-man piety” (9). In addition, for all of the five pages justifying Munson’s reasoning for employing the term “fundamentalist” to describe the general return to “golden age” religion (151), he does not bother to elaborate on “strong-man politics” or “holy-man piety” (9; 132). In my opinion, the two terms lack tact and reasonable justification for use and cater to gender assumptions that – even though women’s roles in Moroccan politics were limited – thereby advocate certain characteristics of men which consequently suggest that women lack the capability of being pious or (if given the chance) of being politically active.

In conclusion, Religion and Power in Morocco is an academic work that provides incite on the specifics of Moroccan politics and its relationship with religion. If seeking on how to approach a subject from both an anthropological and historical perspective, this is an excellent sample if you exclude the above-mentioned shortcomings. Overall, it was definitively an informative read that gave an unbiased yet accurate brief overview of the spheres of influence Morocco rests upon.