Tag Archive for 'dueck'

Audience Interactions and Responses with Actions on the Field

Audience members and their reactions play an essential role to the analysis of a sports game. It is very interesting to investigate how they can act both as a group and as individuals, sometimes cheering as a single unit and sometimes not. In addition, when a momentum shift or a noteworthy play occurs, the reaction of the audience contributes greatly to the ethnographic details in a game because of the subtle yet significant ways in which different groups of audience members’ cheers differ—audiences then become characterized in a more specific manner that transcends basic generalizations.

In this paper, I will first use excerpts from field notes to illustrate how audiences can be perceived as a single unit. Next, using other field note excerpts, I will show how an audience can become conspicuously disjointed. Finally, the cheers of particular audiences, each associated with a different college, will be compared to show how ethnographic factors affect the specific way an audience acts. The type of sporting event has a strong impact on the overall identity of the audience and, when analyzed in further detail, ethnographic factors help determine the cheers of an audience.

“Pumped Up”: How Pep Bands Affect College Basketball

Main conclusion/thesis: Band and fans don’t really help out players during the game because they try to focus solely on the game, but they really help in the pregame warm-ups to get players focused and following the right routine.  Also, when they do affect them during the game, it’s usually those few times when thy see the fans all so devoted and doing stuff (i.e. jumping up and down, chanting, etc.) as a unit that gets their adrenaline going to perform at an even higher level.  Furthermore, the players love it when they’re on the road and can silence the opposing fans, b/c that usually demoralizes their opponents quickly.

Sounds of the Fans

Throughout this course, and my adolescent life, I have attended various sporting events. I have found that at a sports game, every single senses is ignited. The eyes are glued to the court or field, the smell of hot dogs overwhelms the stadium, there is the itchy feel of the foam finger, and the refreshing taste of your soda. However, there is one particular sense that makes you feel the excitement of the game and unity of the crowd. That sense is hearing. Each sporting event is filled with different sounds. Whether it is the referee yelling, the players rejoicing, or the coach giving his team a pep talk – there is always a unique sound. However, it is the sound of the crowd – their chants and their rooting – that gives a sense of community amongst the fans. At the big sports games, this sound trumps the screeching of sneakers on the court, it trumps the announcer’s comments, and it drowns out the player’s screams of excitement after they score a winning goal. When there is a voice this strong from the crowd that it drowns out every other noise in the stadium, there is a true sense of belonging, a true sense of community amongst the fans. However, this is not always the case. Depending on the event, the crowd differs. In this essay, I will explore eight different types of crowds: the acting crowd, expressive crowd, the mass, the public, supporter communities, dyads and triads, and a type of crowd I created myself – the social crowd. These are not only types of crowds, but also social organizations. The main question is, how are these crowds defined? What makes them different from each other? The answer is simple: sound. By merely listening to the sounds that fans and crowds exert, they can be categorized.

Impacts of sounds in gaining momentum in sports

Sounds in sports have been used in many occasions to achieve many objectives especially among those who have recognized its importance in community, personal, or even family life. Music together with other forms of sounds are often integrated in sporting activities especially during a game in which the teams are battling it out to find out the team that is likely to merge as the winning team. As observed by Turino (221), the power of music is evident in most of our activities be it at personal, family or at the community level for its emotional power and impacts that it puts on our society. He also argued that for the last ten years, ethnomusicologists have often agreed that music play an important role in our lives as it results in to the individuals realizing not only their identities but also helps in the participation of the community in the social, political and economical activities. These are evident that the power of music is evident and can not be ignore in sports either. It is important to note that in ports however, not only music is evident, but there are also some of the organized sounds like the cheers, shouts, claps and many others which are organized in a specific manner for the purpose of sending identity messages or just for encouragement.

Crowd noise: Who does it really affect?

by Nicky Axmann Abstract The home team wins 54% of games in Major-League Baseball, 60% in international cricket, 63% in English Premier League soccer and 69% in American college basketball. Home court or home field advantage is a commonly held belief that is well-supported by statistical evidence. A large part of the regular season in many of the most popular American sports involves playing for home field advantage in the playoffs. This aspect of the regular season is generally rationalized through the argument that the support of the crowd will lift the home team to greater heights while demoralizing the away team, thus leading to a home team victory. This makes intuitive sense and is a completely understandably, if false, belief. While home field advantage certainly exists beyond reasonable statistical doubt I will argue in this essay that this has nothing to do with the manner in which crowd noise affects the athletes. Professional athletes are conditioned to ignore and even thrive off of opposing crowd noise. In various studies looking at free throw percentage in basketball or penalty efficiency in soccer (among other factors), it was shown that players did not perform significantly better or worse regardless of whether they were playing at home or away. The primary reason why observers continue to see evidence of the crowd noise affecting players is because they expect to see it and actively seek out evidence to fit in with this theory. The real factor that explains the home/away disparity lies in the effect the crowd has on the referees. Recent studies analyzing trends in referees’ decisions have shown that they are statistically far more likely to favor the home team than the away team. A variety of factors such as crowd size, loudness, proximity, and intensity have been positively correlated with more favorable decisions for the home team. I plan on exploring these conclusions using evidence gathered from a variety of ethnographic fieldnotes I have taken this semester and also looking at how well-known sociologists and ethnographers such as Emile Durkheim can be used to explain why there exists a mistaken belief in home crowd effects on athletes. I will argue that the exclusive factor that accounts for home field advantage is the effect that the home field crowd has on the referee.

The importance of sound in sport

Being at Duke University, I was able to discover how attending a game was far more exciting than just watching the game on television. Indeed, attending the game allows us to be exposed to one of the most important aspect of a game: the sound. Sound is something that goes unnoticed most of the time. However, if we observe carefully, there are innumerous different kinds of sounds that are key factors in making sport attractive. Some of the games I attended at Duke University such as the one against Clemson University, which took place in the Cameron Indoor Stadium on March 2nd, were ideal to observe this. Scrutinizing these sounds and different roles that they play in sport through parts of my fieldnote and several literatures, we will be able to better understand why sound is so important.

Sporting Communities and the Cycle of Sound and Momentum

Julian Salazar

As a society, humans have a natural tendency to form certain communities. Let us think of communities as a group we associate or identify with for a certain reason. For example, we form working communities and living communities that tend to be determined by where an individual works or lives. It should come to no surprise then that there are also communities that center around sports and certain sports teams and culture. Social theorists have analyzed the various trends of society, that when placed in the right context, can help us better understand the sporting community. Through the reading and studying of these commentators, two important social ideas begin to separate themselves in terms of applicability to sporting community examination. The concepts of sound and momentum are important to any community, but they distinguish themselves when speaking in terms of sports. Sound, from an anthropological standpoint, is observed and utilized mainly as a method of recording ethnographic evidence. Momentum, defined in science as force derived from the “combination of mass and velocity,” in social context “describes the entire process through which action occurs, encompassing rate, grace, intensity, effort and success” (Adler 1981, 14). Sound and momentum often operate separately, but in the social context, we are most interested in how they work together. The relationship between sound and momentum can be seen through evidence presented in our readings, but our greatest evidence for this claim is the fieldwork we have done throughout the year. Having attended various sporting events over the semester and taken notes and jottings, we have had a chance to see first hand how sound and momentum operate together. One major topic of discussion was how sound responds to momentum. In this paper I will also attempt to show how momentum responds to sound through evidence from field notes I have taken and analytical support from social theorist and ethnomusicologist. In sports, sporting communities help shape sound and momentum, which operate in a cyclical pattern. This dialogue between momentum and sound is part of what makes a sporting community.

The sporting community lies at the center of the idea of sound and momentum. The fan is the integral component of the community, each fan adding an individual aspect to the formation of a greater group.  Sporting communities are a group of people, in this case fans, that gather together to follow and support a certain sport or sport’s team that “reflect and represent specific locations and local identities” (Crawford 2004, 52). Sporting communities often have deep historical roots, and as Durkheim explains, social tendencies must be explained “historically” or in context in order for them to have any sort of scientific validity. Certain sounds and changes in momentum are exclusive to certain communities because the community is tied to a sport with unique properties. For example, a fan that follows baseball and attends many baseball games is going to experience sound and momentum shifts differently than a fan attending a basketball game. In a field note from March 2nd, 2011 from the Duke basketball game against Clemson, sound is present throughout the event, and the momentum is changing almost constantly. From the moment we walked up to the line till the sound of the buzzer for halftime, sounds dominated the scene. The chants and cheers from the crowd, the songs blasted over the speakers, the tunes played by the band, the talking and screaming on the court, and all happening at the same time, give just a sampling of what the auditory experience was like. The momentum shifts were in constant fluctuation as well. Waiting patiently as the line inched along, and then the reward of finally rushing into Cameron Indoor Stadium were merely precursors to the erratic game to come. Coach K and the rest of the Duke team attempted to control the momentum of the game via timeouts and “sparks” provided by players such as Ryan Kelly and Nolan Smith. The basketball game is chaotic, but it is thrilling and exciting. On the other hand we have a baseball game. On Tuesday April 5th, I attended the Duke versus Wofford baseball game. While there was a line and music being played and sung at the basketball game, I showed up to this game early in the second inning and just walked right in. There were fans, and there was music being played, but the atmosphere was different. The fans were more adults than students and there were few cheers. But they were still sounds that needed to be recorded because that is what distinguishes these two sporting communities. The momentum, though not as constant in its change, was still exciting and elicited reactions from the crowd. The reason that these sporting events differ so much is because of the historical and cultural differences in their sporting communities. The Duke basketball community is one of the greatest sporting communities in the world. The “Cameron Crazies” are a national sensation for their devotion and spirit for their team and outstanding legacy. Meanwhile the Duke baseball community is not nearly as large or well known. Their legacy is not as recognized as the basketball program is. The differences in sporting communities in this example factors into the differences in the sound and momentum of the two sporting events.

Steve Feld, an anthropologist and ethnomusicologist, was one of the early researchers to realize the importance of ”sound and sound recording” while studying writings and recordings of central Africa (Feld 2004, 461). Thanks to his realization, a recorded account became as valuable and valid if not more than one that was described through writing. The importance of sound in social context began to take a new meaning, and a budding field of study began to bloom. Sound is a fundamental aspect of human society and community. Sound expresses emotion and can describe a scene. Sound is also an integral part of the sporting community. Sound encompasses everything from the conversation a coach has with a player, to the music played at halftime. The sounds of a certain event will be determined by the sporting community, similar to how a band may sound different because they are aimed towards a certain community. The community determines and shapes the sounds. Applying Keil’s theories of “participatory discrepancies,” that deal with what Durkheim would call the “value,” or human perspective, and the “out of syncness” and “groove” of music, to the sporting community helps us better understand how this part of society operates (Durkheim 1972, 59). When at a game where there are many sounds, it is reasonable to ask one’s self how all these people can all be together when everything seems so chaotic. Keil would argue that because of the “creative tensions” and “participatory discrepancies,” these fans become more cohesive than if they are to all be doing the same thing (Keil 1987, 275). Often times there are sounds that are individual to sporting events. Cheers tailored to a specific team are one example, but sometimes a community takes it a step further. During the 2010 World Cup held in South Africa, the vuvuzela became the sound of the tournament. The South African sporting community brought a part of their culture and history and gave it to the world. Every game was accompanied by the incessant drone of thousands of people blowing their horns. It became the sound that was identified with the tournament. Unfortunately it was too distracting for the players and has since been banned from FIFA games.

Momentum is heavily dependant on a sporting community. Being a part of a sporting community is something that can become very intimate and collective. Crawford tells us “fan communities are frequently exclusionary of certain individuals, on the basis of class, disability, ethnicity, and gender” (Crawford 2004, 52). Because of the exclusivity of these communities, they become tighter knit and the experience becomes more intimate. Thus when something goes wrong or right for someone on the court, the fan is more likely to react with more passion thus either giving the players positive or negative feedback. Although momentum is determined directly by the players on the court, the crowd can play a large role in how a player performs through jeering or cheering. For example, on the day of the Duke game against Clemson, Nolan Smith made a turnover that could have been avoided. He looked to his teammates, patting his chest and saying, “My bad.” The fans in the crowd, emotionally charged by this display, cheer even louder for Nolan the next play and on a subsequent play he makes a huge dunk that sends the crowd wild and leads to a momentum shift towards the Duke team. The crowds personal investment in Nolan gives him the confidence he needs to provide a solid play that result in points being earned. Sometimes sporting communities have rivalries that ignite players into action. One of the best sports rivalries in all of sports happens right here in Cameron Indoor Stadium, when Duke University plays the University of Chapel Hill in their annual faceoff. Another sports rivalry is that between the two soccer clubs Arsenal FC from England and FC Barcelona from Spain. These cubs play each other outside of their regular season game play, but the match is just as exciting. Both clubs have a great legacy and both have an incredible fan base. In their previous meeting, Barcelona had wiped Arsenal 4-1, meaning the Gunners were looking for revenge. At the beginning of the game Arsenal looked sloppy, and ready for another loss. But thanks to two quick goals from Arsenal in a quick shift of momentum, they managed to escape with a win. Because of the rivalry between these two communities, the players from the underdog team fought harder and escaped with a victory.

Sporting communities respond when there is a shift in momentum. They cheer, they jump up and down, they boo, and variety of other reactions. As expected one of the most accurate methods of measuring a team’s performance is by the sounds of the game. That is, sound marks the momentum of the game, and because of the cyclical nature of sound and momentum; the momentum of the game also may change due to the sounds. The intimate nature of momentum mentioned earlier can be transferred to sound as well. Angela Impey, after research of African people and their instruments, concluded that the music, among other things, provided “a focus for mobilizing collective evocations of self and place” (Impey 2008, 33). The music, or sound, for the people in these African countries, very unique and exclusive to their cultures, serves as a group action or movement that occurs through emotion brought about by sound. The momentum of the action relies on the sounds that are in the music because of the personal involvement. If we think in term of sports, then the sounds from the crowd give certain power to the players on the field. Returning to the field note on the basketball game, whenever a player from the opposing team shoots free throws, the fans scream and move in order to distract them. On the other hand, when a Duke player shoots, the stadium is silent and then grunts in approval when one is made. Free throws are an element of the game that when made can lead a team to victory. Making or missing free throws can affect performance and can slow the gaining of momentum. And yet even in this example we can see the cyclical nature of sound and momentum. When an opposing player makes a free throw, fans hiss and boo, and when he misses they yell and cheer. These taunts and jeers come with an emotional attachment that can either rile up a player or dishearten him, once again either allowing either for a gain or loss in momentum. How the dialogue between sound and momentum progresses is also dependent upon the sporting community. Golf is a sport that often demands a certain class and etiquette that is not present in other sports. The “golf clap” is unique to golf. It is a clap, but softer and more delicate; in order to not create a loud noise and distract other concentrated golfers. Because of the level of skill needed to play golf, concentration is key and it is important to not become distracted, and therefore it is important to remain quite while shooting; However, there is an exception to the rule. Sometimes when an incredible shot is made, for example a hole in one, or a long put, the crowd becomes excited and cheers loudly. The relationship between sound and momentum in golf is regulated by the golfing community and thus specific to this community alone.

The cyclical nature of sound and momentum, both influenced by the sporting community in which they exist, is an important part of sports. Whether as a player or as a spectator, momentum and sound are present and present and operate together. The field notes presented offer insight into the sporting world, with emphasis on how sound and momentum work. Sound and momentum serve not only to play off each other, but also to make the game more involving for those included in the community. Emotional and personal investment in sports is necessary in order to properly appreciate the complexity and intricacy of a game or match. Sports have the capability of making an individual feel like they are part of something bigger than themselves. That sense of community heightens an individual’s investment because now everyone involved is connected and feeling the same. Music has been called “the language of the world.” It has the ability to bring together people from many different places and backgrounds and provide some sort of common ground. Sound has much of the same affect in sports. Through chants and cheers, the participants are presented with a way to connect to fellow fans. The momentum of the game adds thrill and excitement. A participant’s involvement in a sporting community dictate the experience.

Sound and Fan Unity

By Taylor Phillips

Sound facilitates the creation of community at sporting events by encouraging participation and creating a sense of unity between fans. This sense of unity is a result of the fans participation functioning as a sign of social identity. In this paper, I will seek to draw a connection between sound and the perceived community among fans at a sporting event. Using field material from the Duke Women’s Basketball game on Sunday, February 27, 2011 in Cameron Indoor Stadium as a source of data, I will examine the idea of participatory discrepencies in music and apply them to cheers, chants, and other sports related sounds. I will then use Turino’s idea of dicent-indices to help explain why a sense of unity is created among fans at sporting events, and examine the sign value of this said unity through the lens of outside observers.

Sports Fans: Individuals or a Single Entity?

By Jessica Huang

When an individual becomes part of society, does he maintain his sense of self or does he become one with the rest of society? Is it possible for him to be both? Georg Simmel, a German sociologist and philosopher, asked these questions in his essay entitled How is Society Possible? He investigates the interactions between man and society and how one affects the other. To further analyze the topics that Simmel presents in his essay, I will study the problem at a smaller level by using the Duke fans at the women’s basketball game between Duke and UNC on February 9, 2011 to represent society. Merriam-Webster defines a society as “a community, nation, or broad grouping of people having common traditions, institutions, and collective activities and interests”. By using a smaller group to represent society, specific details involving Duke fans can be used to better analyze the questions. Sounds made by Duke fans through cheers and chants will be key in examining individual versus group tendencies. Using Charles Keil’s theory of participatory discrepancies and Thomas Turino’s semiotic theory to support my findings, I will first discuss how the fans act as individuals within the society, then how the crowd functions as one united force, and finally how it is possible for the two to co-exist.

Sport, sound and identity

By Lisa Ji

In this essay I argue that one identifies oneself as a sports fan through contributing, concurrent with other fans, to a “collective sound.” Because of this, fan groups are defined by sound, and their images are often taken to represent their overarching institutions because of their clearly recognizable vocal traits. Sound is able to unite all participants in a sports match, be they players or spectators, and thus is capable of reflecting unification of diverse individuals, although in some cases it has been used to signal division between opposing groups. First I examine the idea of collective “fan communities” formed by the fusion of many individual identities, using the work of Garry Crawford, and reason that one declares oneself to be a fan by participating in the sounds made by other members of the fan community. I go on to connect these communities with the social organizations introduced by Peter Adler in “Momentum: A Theory of Social Action,” and claim that fan groups are capable of seemingly rehearsed social action—including the production of sounds—and that this perhaps can be explained using Charles Keil’s theory of participatory discrepancies. Then, using concepts adapted from Jan Narveson on collective responsibilities, I contend that these aggregate sounds give individual fans the power to influence the game in a way that no single spectator could, and so every fan can be considered partly responsible for the outcome of the match. I follow with remarks by Tony Ward on sports and the identities of nations and citizens, and argue that the image which sports fans present is often taken to be the identity of the entire institution or country they belong to. Finally, I consider how sound can be both a unifying force and a tool to symbolize division. Throughout the paper I use examples both from cited works, including passages from J. K. Rowling’s Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire, and my own fieldnotes on basketball games at the Cameron Indoor Stadium of Duke University. Both the women’s basketball game between Duke and Georgia Tech and the men’s basketball game took place during the 2011 season, on January 21st and March 2nd respectively.