Duke in the Arab World, 2015

Going into Morocco, I had heard and briefly studied the term political Islam from Dukes Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Department. I understood the basic aspects – mainly in the academic realm, however. I understood that, especially when compared to the United States, countries who practice political Islam, that adopting and applying Islamic principles into what is generally considered the secular sphere of politics, differ greatly in theory and practice compared to other nations. As an American, born and raised in a nation where separation of church and state is considered a fundamental tenet of government, political Islam seemed foreign.

When Religion and Power in Morocco, a book written by Henry Munson was assigned and read, political Islam, especially in the context of Morocco, began to make sense. It very well should have – Munson, who holds a doctorate in cultural and social anthropology from the University of Chicago, focuses his academic ventures on the Middle East and Morocco specifically.

Religion and Power begins with as an extension, evaluation, and criticism on the work of Clifford Geertz’s text Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia. Geertz states in his preface that the goal of his text is “both to lay out a general framework for the comparative analysis of religion and to apply it to a study of the development of a supposedly single creed, Islam, in two quite contrasting civilizations, the Indonesian and the Moroccan.” Though the text is well regarded, Munson begins to pick it apart, providing his own, more thorough analysis. He uses the story of Al Yusi, the Moroccan Sufi scholar of the 1600, to set the framework for political Islam in Morocco. Though Munson does provide context, he explains the scholar’s story through criticism and analysis of Geertz’s telling’s of the same man. Munson argues that Geertz “tells us nothing about…social and educational background[s]” surrounding the stories he uses (4). Munson begins at this point to discuss different, specific elements of political Islam that continue to appear throughout the book. This type of analysis puts central ideas and theories of political Islam in a context, which allows the reader to see what relationship of religion and power actually was understood as.

Fast forward to Chapter Five of Munson’s writing. He continues to citizen and elaborate Geertz’s points, though this time in the context of the kings of Morocco. At this point, the argument becomes much more directly to current Moroccan political Islam and problems associated with it. He writes on page 115, that “Geertz argue that the Moroccan monarchy is not just the pivotal institution in the Moroccan political system, it is also “the key institution in the Moroccan religious system.” Munson goes on to argue that “the monarchy is at best a tangential aspect” of Islam in Morocco on page 116. He goes on to support his claim using different aspects of prayer, argument, and theory common in and applicable to Morocco.

This is one of the most applicable and interesting aspects of Munson’s book, the discussion of the place and legitimacy of the King. It provides the reader with a great way to understand political Islam through a modern example. The King in Morocco is the commander of the faithful – this legitimacy allows him automatic accreditation with many Muslims. Though he is the so called political and religious ruler of the country, his practices do not reflect that of the all powerful leader that Geertz describes. He describes how religious aspects are often confused with cultural ones, and that many people base decisions on the later, rather than the former. It is in this relationship between Islam and secularism that connects to power.

Much Loved, the highly controversial Moroccan movie depicting prostitution in the country, can act as an appropriate case study of the relationship of religion in power in Morocco. When the topic was discussed at a conference we attended in Marrakech, many university students were against the movie. The main argument was that the movie was against Moroccan values of modesty and against Moroccan women, for its portrayal of them. Very seldom was religion itself mentioned – rather, it was culture that was. When examining the greater situation and what the King Mohammad VI did, Munson’s point and argument about the relationship between religion and power can be seen. It is the politicians, not the King, discussing the movie. King Mohammad VI could very well come out and ban the movie, yet he chooses not to wield authority in this way. While the debate was going on, the King was visiting Senegal and acting in his religious and political capacity in order to build bridges between the two nations. Munson argues that it is in this capacity, as a religious figure interacting as a commander of the faithful, that Moroccan monarchs act in, not one of a meddler in the everyday lives of the people. Once this argument is understood, one can look into the role of political Islam in Morocco. With this newly acquired lens, it is possible to examine the relationship between religion and power, religion and secularism, and other comparable aspects in Morocco.

It was truly fascinating spending Ramadan in Morocco. Our few days of Ramadan were spent in Rabat with our host families. Seeing host families, friends, locals, and Rabat as a whole change added significantly to the cultural gain from our trip. Certain images and scenes will stay with me: seeing an entire section of Mohammad V Avenue blocked off by men praying midday, streets entirely absent of people before sunset, sitting around my host family’s dinner table, staring at food on the first day of Ramadan waiting for the call to prayer that would allow us all to eat, and cafes filled with individuals receiving free food for the breakfast. Ramadan, as a whole, was an overwhelmingly positive experience.

Ramadan, like everything else, is not perfect. Many individuals interviewed about Ramadan for a paper written by Aamir and I expressed some negative thoughts about Ramadan. Yet it is important to note that these negative aspects aren’t representative of the overwhelming benefits of Ramadan as a whole. Rather, they are expressions of frustration that Ramadan has some flaws. Some were related to more personal aspects of Ramadan, while others were about Ramadan as a religious experience. It is important to note that all of these expressions are made in efforts to make Ramadan a better, purer, and more pious experience.

Assia, a master’s student at Sidi Mohammad Ben Abdullah University expressed frustration with the heat and her lack of ability to exercise as a result. She also expressed how Ramadan is more difficult for her emotionally since her mother’s passing. Though that later aspect is one that cannot be solved, we did see and learn about individuals exercising the former. Students from the CCCL reported that the gyms were as active as ever – additionally, many could be seen playing soccer on the beach.

Yet other frustrations with Ramadan were much harder to address. Chaime, a university student from Fez, addressed the divide that exists in Ramadan between the rich and poor, even considering zakat that is given, the increase in charity, and many mosques and restaurants providing free food for those in need. Chaime said that she hates “the amount of food people waste.” Referring to the breaking of the fast, she writes “over nine dishes for a meal is not okay.” Amine, another university student from Fez, said “the aim from Ramadan is to be patient and to feel how poor people feel when they don’t find what to eat.”

Another common thread of frustration that we encountered was regarding habits. Amine commented on this, saying that “once Ramadan finishes people get back to their bad habits.” This was something we noticed even in the brief few days we spent during Ramadan. For example, while we sat around a café table with our professor, many individuals indulged their addictions – coffee was continuously flowing, and individuals sitting next to a group of DIAW students and our professor chain smoked cigarettes and hashish. Jihane, a Duke student from Morocco, addressed this too, stating that she tends “to eat a lot and unhealthily after Maghreb, and [tends] to sleep in and take a lot of naps during the day which is not ideal.” She, like others, expressed a desire to improve upon this, stating that it is not the fault of Ramadan, rather a realization that Ramadan led her to develop: “it’s about me not developing a good system and habits for Ramadan.”

The last common frustration, one we witnessed many a time, was that of the fighting that occurs during Ramadan. Those abstaining from eating, drinking, or smoking, naturally became more irritable – I can personally attest to this. Amine expressed this frustration, stating that he doesn’t like it “when some people get angry easily or fight just because he or she is fasting or they can’t smoke.” Jihane went slightly more in depth: many “can get angry for very little things and get into bad unnecessary arguments.  If you have been around in Morocco during the day, you might have noticed some people arguing or fighting in the streets… this is ironic because it’s supposed to be the opposite; during Ramadan, we are supposed to have more self-regulation and control over our anger.”

This post and the frustrations used as evidence in it are in no way a condemnation of Ramadan. Rather, they are a praise of it. They reflect spirit of awareness and improvement – this demonstrates that Ramadan is in fact accomplishing one of its purposes: spiritual improvement and purification. It was a pleasure spending some of Ramadan in Morocco and even more of a pleasure discussing it and hearing about it from locals. 

Upon our arrival in Morocco, many of us had preconceived notions about what Morocco its people would be like. A common false expectation was that Moroccans would be dressed in more traditional clothing. Many of us expected this to apply to women more so than men, to include wearing of the Hijab. When discussing our own dress in Morocco in Global Education meetings or amongst ourselves, we wondered if we would fit in with our more western style of dress.

In our near six weeks in Morocco, we have encountered many individuals, men and women, dressed in traditional Moroccan garb. Both sexes wear different styles of the jalaba, a long, loose fitting robe that varies in length, material, color, and level of formality. Many women choose to wear hijabs. Many men also wear balghas, traditional leather slippers. Yet, walking through the streets, it was not the robes, headscarves, or traditional footwear that intrigued us. Rather, the prominence and variety of Western clothing did. Many men, women, and children walked the streets of both the Medina and la Ville Nouvelle clad in jeans, khakis, slacks, or shorts and short-sleeved t-shirts, button downs, or polos. Shops in both sectors could be found vending either variety of clothes, as well as accessories, to include knock off Ray Ban glasses and a variety of hats.

Even more interesting were the interesting were the brands that were featured – Franklin and Marshall College, Hard Rock Café, and Abercrombie and Fitch shirts as well as Monster Energy Drink and Nascar Hats could be found being sold and worn across Morocco, despite the face that there are none of any of these in the country. Also being sold were different souvenir hats, though very few of them bore anything remotely Moroccan. One could find New York City, SWAT, Paris, and other variety of hats. The spreads of the vendors resembled those of the street vendors found in many US cities. It seemed that locals could not get enough of American style apparel.

The apparent fascination and desire for American products extended past American companies, brands, and institutions. Almost every day, in every city we visited, individuals could be found donning apparel with images of Americana. Very popular were shirts bearing the American flag, and a type of blue sweatpants with a front pocket with the stars and stripes. Others were more elaborate, featuring patriotic phrases, as well as images including the Statue of Liberty, bald eagles, and American cityscapes. Multiple times on the trip, I even saw command ball caps of the vessels of the United States Navy. Needless to say, I felt at home.

The presence of American images presented a fascinating situation one day while at ALIF. As I was sitting outside for one of my breaks, two students from Fez, both around ten years old, were playing and talking after a break from their class. One of the boys was wearing a colorful and elaborately designed short sleeved t-shirt with an American flag background that acted as a backdrop for a beach and the phrase “Miami Life” in bold. His friend was wearing a more modest gray t- shirt in the style of a brand shirt. Rather than featuring a brand as its centerpiece, it featured a Palestinian Flag and the words “Palestinian Original” encircling it. Though I do want to imply that all Americans favor Israel over Palestine, I still found this juxtaposition fascinating; it was one of many that would continue to surprise and interest me throughout the trip.

Fast forward to yesterday: I was taken back to a baseball game I attended as a child. Boubker, my host father, walked around in a Boston Red Sox shirt and hat – he joked around, saying the B was for Boubker. Later in the day, while walking back to our host family’s house, I did a double take at a teenage boy wearing a jacket of none other than my hometown team, the Baltimore Orioles. I could only laugh at this juxtaposition – in Morocco, over three thousand miles away from both Boston and Baltimore, a rivalry from my childhood was being played out.

These are only a few of the many different clothing related instances that interested me throughout the trip. Others, though somewhat mundane, that deserve mentioning are seeing military officers dressed in service khakis shop among civilians dressed in western and traditional clothing on Mohammad V Avanue, and men and women wearing odd combinations of traditional and modern dress.

Looking back on both my own preconceived notions of dress in an Islamic country, those of the group, as well as those of many Americans that are expressed on the internet and TV, I realize that like many stereotypes and false expectations they were based, albeit not always very strongly, in some elements of truth. Yes, it was true that many individuals wore traditional clothes, just as it was sometimes true for females that, if they were not dressed in what some males viewed as modest clothing, they could be harassed. The potpourri of apparel and dress can serve as a means to recognize that many notions Americans have on the Middle East, while based in reality, are often overblown.